Noem's Podium "One of Ours, All of Yours:" The ideology of Collective Punishment
The slogan on Kristi Noem’s podium has American roots—and they run straight through CBP’s founding
The podium reads:
ONE OF OURS
ALL OF YOURS
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem stands behind it, flanked by federal agents in tactical gear. The setting: One World Trade Center. The occasion: a press conference following the killing of Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old American citizen shot through her windshield by an ICE agent in Minneapolis.
The fact-checkers have been busy. Some trace the phrase to the Lidice massacre, when Nazis killed every male resident of a Czech village after an SS officer was assassinated. Others point to Francisco Franco’s Spain: “Uno de los nuestros, todos de los vuestros.” The implication: DHS is importing European fascist rhetoric.
They’re missing the point.
The slogan doesn’t need European provenance. It’s the operating logic of American white supremacy—homegrown, documented across 160 years, and embedded in the founding DNA of the agency Noem leads.
The American Genealogy
The logic of collective punishment—harm one of ours, we punish all of yours—isn’t foreign to American soil.
Reconstruction (1865-1877): The first Ku Klux Klan didn’t target individuals for individual offenses. They targeted communities. Congressional investigators in 1871 compiled 13 volumes documenting how Klan terrorism was designed to “teach lessons” to entire Black populations. Witnesses testified to being “raped and sexually humiliated,” having “children and spouses murdered,” being “savagely beaten and forced to seek refuge in swamps.” The violence wasn’t punishment for specific acts—it was collective terror designed to reverse Reconstruction entirely.
Contemporary newspapers made the logic explicit: “The swift punishment which invariably follows these horrible crimes doubtless acts as a deterring effect upon the Negroes in that immediate neighborhood for a short time. But the lesson is not widely learned nor long remembered.”
One of theirs. All of yours.
Ida B. Wells documented the doctrine: “’The Negroes are getting too independent,’ they say, ‘we must teach them a lesson.’ What lesson? The lesson of subordination. ‘Kill the leaders and it will cow the Negro who dares to shoot a white man, even in self-defense.’”
Her investigation established that lynching functioned as collective economic terrorism—an “excuse to get rid of Negroes who were acquiring wealth and property and thus keep the race terrorized.” Only one-third of lynching victims were even accused of the crimes supposedly justifying their deaths. The accusation was pretext. The target was the community.
Wilmington, 1898: Alfred Moore Waddell’s speech before the coup: “Go to the polls tomorrow and if you find the negro out voting, tell him to leave the polls. If he refuses, kill him. Shoot him down in his tracks.” The result: as many as 60 Black people killed, 2,100 forced to flee permanently, the democratically elected biracial government overthrown at gunpoint. Before 1898, Wilmington was 56% Black. Today: 14.9%.
Tulsa, 1921: Dick Rowland, a Black teenager, was falsely accused of assaulting a white woman in an elevator. The response: as many as 10,000 white Tulsans mounted what a 2025 DOJ report called violence “so systematic and coordinated that it transcended mere mob violence.” Death estimates reach 300 people. More than 35 square blocks destroyed. 10,000 people left homeless. 6,000 Black residents interned in armed camps.
One allegation. Entire community destroyed.
Rosewood, 1923: An allegation against one unnamed Black man resulted in the complete destruction of the entire town. The community ceased to exist.
Spectacle lynching maximized the terroristic effect. The Equal Justice Initiative documented how lynchings were advertised in newspapers, attended by crowds of 10,000 to 15,000, photographed for postcards. Bodies were left hanging for days, paraded through Black neighborhoods. In Forsyth County, Georgia (1912), white vigilantes followed a lynching by distributing leaflets demanding ALL Black people leave; the Black population plunged from 1,100 to 30 by 1920.
This wasn’t punishment for individual acts. It was collective terror with collective targets.
The White Citizens’ Councils (1954-1970s) systematized collective economic punishment. When 53 Black residents of Yazoo City signed an NAACP petition for school integration, the Council published their names in a full-page newspaper ad. Result: “All the people whose names were listed in the advertisement lost their jobs or had their credit cut off.” The Yazoo County NAACP disbanded entirely. In Elloree, South Carolina, within two weeks of 17 Black parents signing a pro-integration petition, all had lost their jobs or been evicted. Council members “extended their punishment to petitioners’ family members.”
Modern manifestos articulate the same logic explicitly. The Turner Diaries—the “bible of the racist right”—describes “The Day of the Rope,” where “the Organization lynches tens of thousands of ‘race traitors.’” Its author, William Luther Pierce, stated the quiet part: “The real value of all of our attacks today lies in the psychological impact, not in the immediate casualties.”
John Earnest’s Poway synagogue manifesto (2019): “Every Jew young and old has contributed to these.” Every. Collective guilt requiring collective punishment.
Patrick Crusius’s El Paso manifesto (2019): “This attack is a response to the Hispanic invasion of Texas.” Not a response to individuals. A response to a population.
The slogan on Noem’s podium didn’t arrive from Lidice. It grew here.
The Agency Was Born This Way
But there’s something the fact-checkers missed entirely: the agency Kristi Noem leads was founded by Klansmen.
The U.S. Border Patrol was established in 1924—the same year the Immigration Act created the national origins quota system, the same year the Second Klan reached its peak membership of several million. This wasn’t coincidence.
“Practically every other member” of El Paso’s National Guard “was in the Klan,” one military officer recalled, “and many had joined the Border Patrol upon its establishment.”
The American Immigration Council’s comprehensive history documents: “Many officers came from organizations with a history of racial violence and brutality, including the Ku Klux Klan and the Texas Rangers, carrying over the culture of a racist ‘brotherhood’ into the new agency.”
Historian Kelly Lytle Hernández, a MacArthur “Genius” Fellow, spent years in archives documenting what she calls “a sanctuary of violence.” Her conclusion: “Having lost the national debate when it came to restricting Mexicans, white supremacists—fearing that the country’s open-border policy with Mexico was hastening the ‘mongrelization’ of the United States—took control of the U.S. Border Patrol, also established in 1924, and turned it into a frontline instrument of race vigilantism.”
The Texas Rangers provided a direct personnel pipeline. The same Rangers who, between 1910 and 1920, killed between 300 and 5,000 people of Mexican descent in what Mexicans called “La Matanza”—The Slaughter. The same Rangers who, in 1918, executed 15 unarmed Mexican American boys and men at Porvenir, separating them from their families and shooting them on a hillside despite having no evidence connecting them to any crime.
The Porvenir Massacre happened six years before the Border Patrol was founded. The Rangers who committed it—or their colleagues—fed directly into the new agency.
One accusation. Fifteen dead. The remaining 140 villagers fled. The U.S. Army razed the village.
One of theirs. All of yours.
Harlon Carter: The Embodiment
The founding chief of the Border Patrol personally killed a Mexican teenager.
On March 3, 1931, in Laredo, Texas, 17-year-old Harlon Carter shot and killed 15-year-old Ramón Casiano. Carter believed Casiano might know something about his family’s stolen car. He took a shotgun, found Casiano and two friends, pointed the weapon at them, and demanded they come with him for questioning. Casiano refused. Carter shot him in the chest.
Carter was convicted of murder and sentenced to three years. He served two before a higher court overturned the conviction on a technicality—the judge hadn’t adequately explained self-defense to the jury.
In 1936, three years after his release, Carter joined the Border Patrol. By 1950, he had risen to become its chief.
From that position, Carter ran Operation Wetback (1954)—the most brutal mass deportation in American history. He told the Los Angeles Times he intended to deploy an “army of Border Patrol officers complete with jeeps, trucks, and seven aircraft” in what he called an “all out war to hurl Mexican wetbacks into Mexico.”
The Laredo Border Patrol, writes Hernández, “morphed into a refuge for white violence within the Mexican dominated Laredo.” Harlon B. Carter found a home within its walls.
Carter later became executive vice president of the NRA (1977-1985), transforming it from a marksmanship organization into a right-wing political juggernaut. When the shooting was finally reported in 1981, Carter initially denied it happened—then acknowledged responsibility.
This is the lineage. A teenager who killed a Mexican boy became the chief of an agency founded by Klansmen, ran the largest mass deportation in history, then reshaped American gun politics. The through-line from Porvenir to El Paso runs through his biography.
The Documentation Never Stopped
Border Patrol agents beat, shot, and hung migrants with regularity in the agency’s early decades. Two patrollers, former Texas Rangers, tied the feet of one migrant and dragged him in and out of a river until he confessed. Agents used children as bait, threatening families with permanent separation unless parents confessed to illegal entry.
“In this place, you have no rights,” agents told detainees.
And the connections to white supremacist movements never severed. In recent years, Border Patrol agents have “expressed gratitude toward or interest in collaborating with modern white supremacist vigilante groups such as the Three Percent United Patriots, American Patriot III%, and the United Constitutional Patriots.”
In 2020, the paramilitary SWAT-style Border Patrol Tactical Unit (BORTAC) deployed to Portland to crack down on Black Lives Matter protests—not immigration enforcement. The same unit is now operating in Minneapolis.
Minneapolis, January 2026
Now bring it back to that podium.
Three thousand federal agents flood Minneapolis in “Operation Metro Surge.” Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old mother of three, is shot dead through her windshield. DHS immediately labels her a “domestic terrorist.” Video contradicts their account. Vice President Vance calls her death “a tragedy of her own making.”
The AG of Minnesota files a federal lawsuit documenting that “ICE and CBP agents have indiscriminately arrested—without warrants or probable cause—Minnesotans solely because the agents perceived them to be Somali or Latino.” One ICE agent told a detained U.S. citizen: “I can hear you don’t have the same accent as me.”
Somali and Latino communities—not individuals suspected of crimes, but communities—are the targets.
Mayor Jacob Frey calls it an “occupying force.” 1,500 active-duty soldiers are on standby in Alaska for possible deployment. The Governor has mobilized the National Guard—not to assist federal enforcement, but to protect Minnesota residents’ constitutional rights.
And at the press conference, Kristi Noem stands behind a podium reading:
ONE OF OURS ALL OF YOURS
The agency she leads was founded by Klansmen. Its first chief killed a Mexican teenager. Its founding personnel came from the Texas Rangers who massacred 15 unarmed boys and men at Porvenir. Its operational logic—from 1924 to 2026—has been collective punishment.
The slogan isn’t a dog whistle. It’s a bullhorn. It’s not imported from Europe. It’s homegrown. And it’s not a departure from CBP’s history.
It’s a return to it.
NSPM-7: The Legal Infrastructure
One more piece completes the picture.
On September 25, 2025, President Trump signed National Security Presidential Memorandum 7 (NSPM-7), titled “Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence.” The ACLU called it “a fever dream of conspiracies, outright falsehoods, and the president’s distorted equation of criticism of his policies by real or perceived political opponents with ‘criminal and terroristic conspiracies.’”
NSPM-7 identifies “anti-Christian,” “anti-capitalism,” or “anti-American” views as potential indicators of domestic terrorism. It directs Joint Terrorism Task Forces to investigate not just individuals but “all participants in these criminal and terroristic conspiracies—including the organized structures, networks, entities, organizations, funding sources, and predicate actions behind them.”
Funding sources. Networks. Organizations.
This is collective punishment logic encoded in law. The AG’s December 2025 memo instructs federal prosecutors to investigate “funding sources” of protest organizations. Under this framework, donating to a civil rights organization becomes potential “material support for terrorism.”
The White Citizens’ Councils published names to trigger economic retaliation. NSPM-7 directs the IRS to ensure “no tax-exempt entities are directly or indirectly financing political violence or domestic terrorism.” Same logic. Federal infrastructure.
And in Minneapolis, where protesters gathered after Renee Good’s killing, the framework activated. Protesters—exercising First Amendment rights—faced tear gas, flash bangs, mass arrests. A federal judge had to issue an emergency order limiting crowd-control tactics.
The combination is explicit: NSPM-7 designates protesters as domestic terrorists. “One of Ours, All of Yours” announces collective punishment. The Minneapolis operation implements both.
The Announcement Function
Authoritarian regimes don’t hide their intentions. They announce them.
The slogan on Noem’s podium is designed to be seen. The URL—DHS.GOV/WOW—is a branded campaign. This isn’t a slip. It’s a signal.
Collective punishment regimes require visible threats to function. The lynching had to be public. The bodies had to hang where people could see them. The photographs had to circulate. The names had to be published in the newspaper.
“One of Ours, All of Yours” serves the same function. It tells targeted communities: if any of you resist, all of you will pay. It tells potential resisters: the cost will be borne by your neighbors, your family, your community.
That’s why it’s on a podium at One World Trade Center, flanked by federal agents, broadcast nationally. The announcement is the point.
What Renee Good Said
On January 7, 2026, Renee Nicole Good dropped her son at school and went to observe the federal operation in her neighborhood. She was a legal observer, exercising First Amendment rights to document government actions in public.
An ICE agent approached her vehicle. Video captured what happened next.
Good was turning her steering wheel to the right—away from the agent. She spoke through the window.
Her last words: “That’s fine, dude. I’m not mad at you.”
399 milliseconds between the first shot and the second. 299 milliseconds between the second and third. Three shots in under a second.
Renee Nicole Good was dead.
Her wife Becca described her as being “made of sunshine.” Her mother, asked about the federal claim that her daughter was a domestic terrorist, said: “That’s so stupid. She was probably terrified.”
An American citizen. A mother of three. A poet. Shot through her windshield while offering grace to the man who killed her.
One of theirs. All of ours.
Mark Ramm is an investigative journalist and publisher of The RAMM on Substack. This piece is a follow-up to his eight-part series “The Gamergate Army Gets Badges and Guns,” documenting the radicalization pipeline from chan culture to federal enforcement.
Sources
The Podium and Slogan
Lead Stories Fact Check: “’One Of Ours All Of Yours’ Is NOT A Phrase From Nazi Germany” — Confirms the photo is real, from January 8, 2026 press conference at One World Trade Center
PrimeTimer: “Did Kristi Noem really say One of Ours All of Yours?” — Documents the viral response and historical parallels
Minneapolis and Operation Metro Surge
Minnesota Attorney General: “Attorney General Ellison and cities of Minneapolis and Saint Paul sue to halt ICE surge” — January 12, 2026
ACLU: “ACLU Sues Federal Government to End ICE, CBP’s Practice of Suspicionless Stops” — Documents racial profiling, including agent quote about accent
NBC News: “Trump threatens to invoke Insurrection Act amid Minneapolis ICE shooting protests” — Documents 3,000+ arrests, 3,000 agents deployed
CBS News: “Mayor Frey: Influx of ICE, federal forces feels like ‘occupying force’” — Documents 1,500 active-duty soldiers on standby
CNN: “Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz mobilizes state National Guard” — Documents DOJ investigation of Walz and Frey
Renee Nicole Good
ABC News: “Minneapolis ICE shooting: A minute-by-minute timeline” — Documents her final words and shot timing
ABC News: “’Made of sunshine’: Renee Good’s wife speaks out”
Axios: “Ice shooting victim identified” — Mother’s quote
NBC News: “Vance says death was ‘tragedy of her own making’”
NSPM-7
White House: “Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence” — Full text of NSPM-7
ACLU: “How NSPM-7 Seeks to Use ‘Domestic Terrorism’ to Target Nonprofits and Activists”
Brennan Center: “Trump’s Orders Targeting Anti-Fascism Aim to Criminalize Opposition”
Wikipedia: “NSPM-7” — Compiles response and implementation
Border Patrol Founding and Klan Connections
The Intercept: “The Border Patrol Has Been a Cult of Brutality Since 1924” by Greg Grandin — Key source for Klan membership quote and early brutality documentation
American Immigration Council: “The Legacy of Racism within the U.S. Border Patrol” — Comprehensive report on founding personnel, Texas Ranger connections, ongoing white supremacist ties
Kelly Lytle Hernández, Migra! A History of the U.S. Border Patrol (University of California Press, 2010) — Definitive academic history documenting “sanctuary of violence” and personnel pipelines
Texas Rangers and La Matanza
Wikipedia: “Porvenir massacre (1918)” — 15 unarmed Mexican Americans executed
Bullock Texas State History Museum: “Harry Warren’s Porvenir Notebook” — Primary source documentation
Texas State Historical Association: “The Porvenir Massacre”
Wikipedia: “La Matanza (1910-1920)” — Documents 300-5,000 killed
NBC News: “’Porvenir, Texas’ details massacre of Mexican Americans”
Harlon Carter
Wikipedia: “Harlon Carter” — Documents 1931 killing, Border Patrol career, NRA leadership
Boston Review: “How the Modern NRA Was Born at the Border” — Documentary context and Hernández quotes
PBS SoCal/VOCES: “The Legacy of the Texas Rangers” — Documents Carter’s role and Operation Wetback
NRA On the Record: “Carter, Harlon” — Detailed account of Casiano killing
American Collective Punishment History
Equal Justice Initiative: “Lynching in America” — Documents 6,500 racial terror lynchings, spectacle lynching practices
Levin Center: “Congress Investigates KKK Violence During Reconstruction” — 1871 hearings documentation
Encyclopedia Virginia: “Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases by Ida B. Wells (1892)”
Britannica: “Wilmington coup 1898”
DOJ: “Justice Department Announces Results of Review of the Tulsa Race Massacre” — 2025 report
EJI Calendar: “First White Citizens’ Council Forms” — Yazoo City documentation
White Supremacist Ideology and Modern Violence
ADL: “The Turner Diaries” — “Day of the Rope” and Pierce quotes
Thorleifsson, Cathrine (2022): “From cyberfascism to terrorism”, Nations and Nationalism — Academic analysis of /pol/ and violence
Wikipedia: “Dylann Roof” — Charleston shooting and “race war” motivation
Academic Sources
Hine, Gabriel et al. (2017): “Kek, Cucks, and God Emperor Trump” — Quantifies /pol/ hate speech
Rieger, Diana et al. (2021): “Assessing the Extent and Types of Hate Speech in Fringe Communities”
Dickinson Law Review: “Truth and Reconciliation: The Ku Klux Klan Hearings of 1871”